From Drugs to ICT? An Interpretation of the Results of the Survey on Drug Use in Secondary Education in Spain (2016)

From Drugs to ICT? An Interpretation of the Results of the Survey on Drug Use in Secondary Education in Spain (2016)

By David Pere Martínez Oró

On the afternoon of March 8th, the Government Delegate for the National Plan on Drugs presented the results of the Survey on Drug Use in Secondary Education in Spain, the well-known ESTUDES survey, at the Sociodrogalcohol Conference held in Toledo. The results confirm the slight downward trend that began two years ago. For the first time, data on compulsive Internet use are presented. The analysis of intensive internet use alongside the decline in drug consumption allows us to begin confirming the hypothesis posed a few years ago (Martínez Oró, 2013[1]): ICTs are displacing psychoactive substances as a rite of passage for adolescents.

The newly released results of ESTUDES 2016 invite us to moderate optimism because the prevalence of the main drugs is decreasing. I acknowledge that both statements are open to revision. We could point out that despite the decline, there remains a non-negligible proportion of underage consumers, and as we well know, any contact with substances entails risk. Therefore, it could be argued that no optimism is warranted, no matter how small. Moreover, the decline occurs in some temporal indicators, but in others, it increases. Let’s take a look.

I express optimism because, for example, in the case of cannabis, the prevalence of consumption in the last month has dropped from 18.6% in 2014 to 18.3% in 2016, figures far removed from the 25.1% in 2004. The consumption of alcohol in the last thirty days has dropped from 68.2% to 67%, binge drinking from 32.2% to 31.7%, and binge drinking from 22.2% to 21.8%. The use of hypnotics and sedatives has decreased from 6.2% to 5.9%. We observe a historic low for cocaine, which has dropped to 1%. One might argue that these variations are insignificant, almost trivial, and to interpret them as a decrease is to overinterpret too much. Furthermore, one could reason that such slight changes could be due to statistical error. Undoubtedly, there is a proportion of underage individuals who engage in intensive or problematic consumption of alcohol and cannabis, and we should focus preventive efforts on them. The decline in strictly quantitative terms is modest, but I believe that on a qualitative level, this drop is highly symbolic, and I insist, it invites optimism. Why?

Because, given the sociocultural scenario, it would be quite logical for prevalences to have increased. We detect five factors that could have potentially driven the consumption of cannabis, alcohol, and other drugs.

First, the alcohol and cannabis industries work tirelessly to attract new customers and stimulate consumption. The resources invested in marketing and advertising have not succeeded in gaining a large number of new consumers. Second, the trivialization of the consumption of both substances, although present in certain groups of minors, remains marginal among many adolescents. This means that few, even if they may consume sporadically, become regular consumers. Third, some media reports insist on the consumption of cannabis and alcohol as an intrinsic part of adolescent identity. Defining substances in this way can encourage young people to make contact with drugs, so we observe how the symbolic efficacy of the mass media is decreasing. Fourth, a significant number of adolescents experience emotional distress arising from uncertainty about the future and the ambivalence of daily experiences. They could use drugs as a self-care mechanism to alleviate existential boredom, but we observe that, although some do use drugs in this way, this does not cause prevalences to skyrocket. Fifth, although the perceived availability of alcohol is absolute and that of cannabis is very high, the total supply does not stimulate unrestrained demand, as demonstrated by the data from the 2016 ESTUDES survey.

In sociocultural terms, given this panorama, we should show some optimism regarding the decline in prevalences, even if only by a few decimal points. If only these factors had come into play, drug use among Spanish minors would likely have gained more followers. But, as we will clarify below, the displacement of the adolescent rite of passage towards ICTs, along with various preventive strategies, has halted the potential increase.

At this point, an avid reader may agree with me that the prevalences of consumption in the last month are decreasing, but will warn me that indicators related to consumption in the past twelve months and at least once in a lifetime are increasing for substances such as cannabis, hypnotics, and ecstasy. Yes, undoubtedly, some temporal indicators are increasing. Does this mean that consumption is more present in adolescents’ lives? Or do the high prevalences in these temporal sequences indicate a greater incidence of problems among adolescents? The answer to both questions, in my humble opinion, is no. My background in cultural studies leads me to view this situation as a clear indicator of the normalization of consumption. That is, adolescents use drugs in specific contexts and times, usually during special calendar events (New Year’s Eve, local festivals, St. John’s Day, etc.) or life events (birthdays), on a one-off basis and following a consumption pattern that keeps them away from serious issues. Thus, although more people may have used drugs in the last year, fewer have used them in the last month, and we well know that among these latter individuals, those who will develop substance-related disorders over time can be found. Therefore, without a doubt, the number of adolescents in “risk situations” has decreased. And this invites optimism.

All of these elements, in light of the data presented for the first time in the ESTUDES survey on compulsive internet use, reinforce our hypothesis that ICTs are displacing drugs as a rite of passage in adolescence, that is, as a practice that leaves childhood behind and symbolizes the approach to the adult world. This displacement is, ultimately, responsible for the decline in prevalences. According to the survey, 23.8% of girls and 18.3% of boys have engaged in compulsive internet use. Beyond “compulsivity,” it is clear that for adolescents, identity and group commitment flow through the internet. In these spaces, they modulate and construct the “self.” In contrast, the material contexts of gathering lose centrality in their socialisation. Consequently, drugs, although present in special celebrations, take on less importance in daily relationships because they are no longer needed to symbolize the arrival of adolescence. Their absence prevents the performance of separation ceremonies, such as smoking cannabis away from adult eyes, which was important in the identity construction of some adolescents just a few years ago. Therefore, it is logical to think that the less central drugs are in adolescent life, the lower the risk of developing problems. The rite of passage is shifting to other parameters, typically towards ICTs. Opening a profile on a certain social network or having a smartphone now represents the new rites of passage. That is, social adolescence arrives before biological puberty, but the implications and risks of this new rite are a different discussion.

In conclusion, the results of the ESTUDES 2016 survey should invite us to some optimism because they demonstrate the decreasing importance of drugs in the lives of Spanish minors. The next surveys will show us whether we continue this trend and whether consumption progressively becomes practices that are increasingly detached from the adolescent reality. In our view, over time, substances will become a secondary risk for the majority of Spanish adolescents, except for those in clear social vulnerability situations. However, this does not mean that future adolescents will socialise without any risks. There will be risks, but of a different nature.